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הרפורמה המקיפה באה לשנות את יסודותיו התעסוקתיים של המשק הצרפתי. אם תעבור, חברות יוכלו לעקוף חוזים קיבוציים ולהביא להחלת חוזים פנים-חברתיים; היא תאפשר פיטורין בגין עילה כלכלית גם לחברה שלא נמצאת בקשיים כלכליים; היא משנה מן היסוד את אופן קביעת גובה פיצויי פיטורין; מאריכה את שעות העבודה השבועיות, והרשימה עוד ארוכה.
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הרפורמה באה אמנם מבית המפלגה הסוציאליסטית, אך משקפת את האג'נדה הליברלית של יוזמיה, הנשיא פרנסואה הולנד וראש הממשלה מנואל וולס. לרפורמה לא קיים רוב בקרב הציבור. על פי הסקרים האחרונים כשלושה רבעים מהאוכלוסיה מתנגדת לה. יותר מכך, בדלנים במפלגה הסוציאליסטית איימו להצביע נגד הצעת החוק, דבר שהביא את ראשי המפלגה השלטת להפעיל בחודש שעבר באופן חריג את סעיף 49-3 השנוי במחלוקת. הסעיף מאפשר לממשלה להעביר הצעת חוק ללא הצבעה בבית המחוקקים. סעיף שהולנד התנגד לו בחריפות בטרם הפך לנשיא.
עד להעברת הצעת החוק בקריאה ראשונה בעזרת הסעיף 49-3, המחאה נסבה סביב תנועת "לילות בעמידה", אשר התאספה בכיכר הרפובליקה בפריז ובכיכרות בכ-60 ערים אחרות ברחבי צרפת. כבר מראשיתה הכריזה התנועה כי איננה נתונה לאף קו איגודי או מפלגתי, שהיא מסרבת למנות מנהיגים ושאין לה דרישות כלפי ממשלה המייצגת שיטה רקובה לטעמה, הריהי הכלכלה הניאו-ליברלית. תנועת "לילות בעמידה" צברה תאוצה בחודש אפריל עם אסיפותיה ופעולותיה השונות ורוממה את השיח סביב הרפורמה מסוגיה נקודתית לכדי אירוע מכונן בתולדות המאבק החברתי הצרפתי. מטרתה המרכזית של התנועה הייתה שילוב המאבקים עם שאר התנועות והשחקנים החברתיים בצרפת בתקווה להביא לשינוי במאזן הכוחות במדינה שמוסדותיה הסוציאליים הולכים ונשחקים.
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בתנועת "לילות בעמידה", בה הקו המנחה היה ונותר הרחבת המחאה, דחפו מצידם להצית שביתה כללית בקרב כלל האוכלוסייה הפעילה. אך למרות אהדה ותמיכה של רוב העם, עדיין נותרה התנועה מצומצמת מדי מכדי לגייס ולנייד מסה קריטית בקרב הפועלים והשכירים; והשביתות נותרו נקודתיות. מרכז הכוח של המחאה נדד אם כך אל עבר האיגודים.
כאשר הכריזה הממשלה באמצע מאי על השימוש בסעיף 49-3, החריפה תגובת האיגודים. אם במרץ ובאפריל האיגודים הסתפקו בהפגנות, מאמצע מאי הם התחילו להשבית עוד ועוד ענפים בתדירות הולכת וגוברת: עובדי חברת הרכבות השביתו חלקית את תנועת הרכבות הארצית פעמיים בשבוע, עובדי הדואר שבתו חלקית, ובמהרה הצטרף גם ענף זיקוק הנפט ששבת בעוצמה יתרה ואף הביא במשך כעשרה ימים למחסור בנפט בצפון המדינה. לאחר גל השביתות הראשון, הצטרפו גם עובדי חברת החשמל אשר העבירו מאות אלפי בתים לתעריפים מוזלים, וגם ענף התברואה השובת חלקית בערים הגדולות.
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בשל מספריהם המצומצמים, צריכים האיגודים לחשב בהקפדה יתרה את אסטרטגיית השביתות שלהם. למרות שענפים חשובים שובתים, השביתות כולן הן חלקיות, ועוצמתן תלויה בלהט העובדים עצמם ולא בהנחיות ראשי האיגודים, אשר ממאנים לקרוא לשביתה כללית. בעיר הנמל לה האבר, למשל, משביתים עובדי הנמל כראות עיניהם את פעילות הנמל לחלוטין ולעת הפגנות גדולות אף חוסמים את כל עורקי התנועה הראשיים של עירם. מצד שני, למרות השביתה בענף התברואה, לא מביעים האיגודים המרכזיים התנגדות לפינוי האשפה בפריז בידי חברות קבלן פרטיות.
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אם הביקורת מימין כלפי ה-CGT היא שהם אינם מייצגים אלא 3 אחוז מהאוכלוסייה הפעילה (כלומר 3 מתוך 8 אחוז העובדים המאוגדים) אך מרשים לעצמם להוביל שביתות המשפיעות על משק שלם, משמאל מבקרים את האיגודים המרכזיים על אסטרטגיה כושלת בשל לוח זמנים לא צפוף דיו של השבתות והפגנות ועמדות לא מספיק רדיקליות.
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נותר עוד לראות אם יום שלישי ה-14 ביוני היה שירת הברבור של המחאה הצרפתית או תרועה של כוחות מחודשים. כעת נשואות עיני כל המפגינים אל ראש ה-CGT העומד להפגש עם שרת העבודה ביום שישי.
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