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יורו 2016, צרפת מוצאת את עצמה מארחת את טורניר הכדורגל על רקע מחאה עממית מהגדולות שידעה בשלושת העשורים האחרונים. המחאה פרצה בסוף חודש מרץ כשאלפי מפגינים השתלטו על כיכר הרפובליקה בפריז לאחר הפגנת מחאה נגד הצעת החוק לרפורמה בדיני העבודה. כיכר הרפובליקה הפכה לאסיפה עממית שקראה לעצמה Nuits debout, "לילות בעמידה", בה כל ערב, בין השעות שש וחצות, התכנסו אלפי אנשים להתדיין בשלל נושאים חברתיים ופוליטיים, ובראשם הצעת החוק השנויה במחלוקת והשקפת העולם הפוליטית העומדת מאחוריה.
הרפורמה המקיפה באה לשנות את יסודותיו התעסוקתיים של המשק הצרפתי. אם תעבור, חברות יוכלו לעקוף חוזים קיבוציים ולהביא להחלת חוזים פנים-חברתיים; היא תאפשר פיטורין בגין עילה כלכלית גם לחברה שלא נמצאת בקשיים כלכליים; היא משנה מן היסוד את אופן קביעת גובה פיצויי פיטורין; מאריכה את שעות העבודה השבועיות, והרשימה עוד ארוכה.
הממשלה הצרפתית מפעילה סעיף טוטאליטרי אך חוקתי
הרפורמה באה אמנם מבית המפלגה הסוציאליסטית, אך משקפת את האג'נדה הליברלית של יוזמיה, הנשיא פרנסואה הולנד וראש הממשלה מנואל וולס. לרפורמה לא קיים רוב בקרב הציבור. על פי הסקרים האחרונים כשלושה רבעים מהאוכלוסיה מתנגדת לה. יותר מכך, בדלנים במפלגה הסוציאליסטית איימו להצביע נגד הצעת החוק, דבר שהביא את ראשי המפלגה השלטת להפעיל בחודש שעבר באופן חריג את סעיף 49-3 השנוי במחלוקת. הסעיף מאפשר לממשלה להעביר הצעת חוק ללא הצבעה בבית המחוקקים. סעיף שהולנד התנגד לו בחריפות בטרם הפך לנשיא.
עד להעברת הצעת החוק בקריאה ראשונה בעזרת הסעיף 49-3, המחאה נסבה סביב תנועת "לילות בעמידה", אשר התאספה בכיכר הרפובליקה בפריז ובכיכרות בכ-60 ערים אחרות ברחבי צרפת. כבר מראשיתה הכריזה התנועה כי איננה נתונה לאף קו איגודי או מפלגתי, שהיא מסרבת למנות מנהיגים ושאין לה דרישות כלפי ממשלה המייצגת שיטה רקובה לטעמה, הריהי הכלכלה הניאו-ליברלית. תנועת "לילות בעמידה" צברה תאוצה בחודש אפריל עם אסיפותיה ופעולותיה השונות ורוממה את השיח סביב הרפורמה מסוגיה נקודתית לכדי אירוע מכונן בתולדות המאבק החברתי הצרפתי. מטרתה המרכזית של התנועה הייתה שילוב המאבקים עם שאר התנועות והשחקנים החברתיים בצרפת בתקווה להביא לשינוי במאזן הכוחות במדינה שמוסדותיה הסוציאליים הולכים ונשחקים.
הצטרפות האיגודים למאבק והשבתת המדינה
בתנועת "לילות בעמידה", בה הקו המנחה היה ונותר הרחבת המחאה, דחפו מצידם להצית שביתה כללית בקרב כלל האוכלוסייה הפעילה. אך למרות אהדה ותמיכה של רוב העם, עדיין נותרה התנועה מצומצמת מדי מכדי לגייס ולנייד מסה קריטית בקרב הפועלים והשכירים; והשביתות נותרו נקודתיות. מרכז הכוח של המחאה נדד אם כך אל עבר האיגודים.
כאשר הכריזה הממשלה באמצע מאי על השימוש בסעיף 49-3, החריפה תגובת האיגודים. אם במרץ ובאפריל האיגודים הסתפקו בהפגנות, מאמצע מאי הם התחילו להשבית עוד ועוד ענפים בתדירות הולכת וגוברת: עובדי חברת הרכבות השביתו חלקית את תנועת הרכבות הארצית פעמיים בשבוע, עובדי הדואר שבתו חלקית, ובמהרה הצטרף גם ענף זיקוק הנפט ששבת בעוצמה יתרה ואף הביא במשך כעשרה ימים למחסור בנפט בצפון המדינה. לאחר גל השביתות הראשון, הצטרפו גם עובדי חברת החשמל אשר העבירו מאות אלפי בתים לתעריפים מוזלים, וגם ענף התברואה השובת חלקית בערים הגדולות.
למעשה, למרות הדעה הרווחת ולפיה העובדים הצרפתים מאוגדים ברובם, רק כ-8 אחוז מהעובדים הצרפתים חברים כיום באיגוד מקצועי, לעומת כ-15 אחוז ב-1980 וכ-30 אחוז ב-1945. זהו אחוז העובדים המאוגדים הנמוך מכל מדינות ה-OCDE למעט תורכיה ואסטוניה. הסיבות לכך רבות ומורכבות – כמו למשל שהסכמים קיבוציים חלים על כלל המשק ולא רק על חברי האיגודים, שאין הטבות כלכליות או רפואיות בחברות באיגוד או שתקציב האיגודים מגיע בעיקר מכספי המיסים – אך העובדה היא שמבחינה מספרית האיגודים אינם מייצגים ישירות את רוב העובדים, גם אם האוכלוסייה רוחשת להם אהדה יחסית.
בשל מספריהם המצומצמים, צריכים האיגודים לחשב בהקפדה יתרה את אסטרטגיית השביתות שלהם. למרות שענפים חשובים שובתים, השביתות כולן הן חלקיות, ועוצמתן תלויה בלהט העובדים עצמם ולא בהנחיות ראשי האיגודים, אשר ממאנים לקרוא לשביתה כללית. בעיר הנמל לה האבר, למשל, משביתים עובדי הנמל כראות עיניהם את פעילות הנמל לחלוטין ולעת הפגנות גדולות אף חוסמים את כל עורקי התנועה הראשיים של עירם. מצד שני, למרות השביתה בענף התברואה, לא מביעים האיגודים המרכזיים התנגדות לפינוי האשפה בפריז בידי חברות קבלן פרטיות.
צרפת ערב היורו 2016
עם תחילת חודש יוני, כשהיורו 2016 קרב ובא, תהתה צרפת כולה איך השביתות ישפיעו על מהלך הטורניר, הרי שדריסת רגלם של האיגודים מובהקת בענפי התחבורה. השאלה הוכרעה כאשר הכריז פיליפ מרטינז, ראש ה-CGT, האיגוד המרכזי בצרפת, כי הוא אינו מתכוון "לקלקל את אווירת החג" סביב היורו 2016 ועל פי כן לא יבצר מאוהדי הכדורגל להגיע לאצטדיונים, דבר העלול "להעכיר את דימוי האיגוד", לדבריו. בעקבות הכרזתו זו, שרת העבודה האמונה על הגשת הצעת החוק, מיריאם אל חומרי, הזמינה אותו להיפגש עימה ב-17 ביוני.
אם הביקורת מימין כלפי ה-CGT היא שהם אינם מייצגים אלא 3 אחוז מהאוכלוסייה הפעילה (כלומר 3 מתוך 8 אחוז העובדים המאוגדים) אך מרשים לעצמם להוביל שביתות המשפיעות על משק שלם, משמאל מבקרים את האיגודים המרכזיים על אסטרטגיה כושלת בשל לוח זמנים לא צפוף דיו של השבתות והפגנות ועמדות לא מספיק רדיקליות.
ההפגנה הגדולה והאלימה ביותר, 14 ביוני 2016
ביום שלישי האחרון, מפגינים מכל רחבי צרפת התנקזו אל בירתם פריז לשם הפגנת ה-14 ביוני, שהייתה ככל הנראה הגדולה ביותר מתחילת ימי המחאה. הערכות כמות המשתתפים של האיגודים והמשטרה סותרות למדי: כמיליון משתתפים על פי האיגודים, כשמונים אלף על פי המשטרה. האמת כמו תמיד היא כנראה באמצע. אין ספק עם זאת שהייתה זו ההפגנה האלימה ביותר, עם מספר מפגינים שנפצעו קשה מפגיעות מטולים ישירות. זו גם הפעם הראשונה שעושה המשטרה שימוש בתותחי מים כחלק ממאמציה להפריד בין ראש הצעדה הלהוט לבין גופה המאסיבי. לאחר ההפגנה הרשמית, המשיכו קבוצות מתנועת ״לילות בעמידה״ עם הפגנות ספונטניות אל תוך הלילה שמטרתם המיידית הייתה להביא לשחרור חברים שנעצרו במהלך אירועי היום. בסוף הלילה, מספר המעצרים עמד על 58.
נותר עוד לראות אם יום שלישי ה-14 ביוני היה שירת הברבור של המחאה הצרפתית או תרועה של כוחות מחודשים. כעת נשואות עיני כל המפגינים אל ראש ה-CGT העומד להפגש עם שרת העבודה ביום שישי.
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שחר פיינברג מתגורר בפריז וחוקר באופן עצמאי את המשבר הפוליטי בצרפת ובעולם. עובד כמתרגם ומורה לשפות.
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